Taking the Edge Out of the Relationship : Christopher’s trip could help both Tokyo and Washington
It’s often noted that it takes two to tango. But with Japan and the United States it’s more often the case that the two only tangle. Perhaps Secretary of State Warren Christopher’s current trip to Asia--less than a month after accompanying President Clinton on his first presidential trip to that region--can help take some of the harsh edge off one of the world’s more troubled bilateral alliances.
During Christopher’s meetings next week with the Assn. of Southeast Asian Nations in Singapore, the Administration’s vision for a “new Pacific Community†will be tested. America’s future, the President said in Tokyo earlier this month, rests in building coalitions for peace and prosperity in Asia-Pacific, a region undervalued by the Bush Administration. Asia now accounts for more trade with the United States than Europe does. Thus the entire region--not just Japan--is vital to U.S. economic, strategic and political interests. The Asian nations’ rising economic fortunes mean they have an increased stake in reducing regional rivalries, clarifying the roles of Japan and China and averting an arms race.
There is much to be gained in strengthening and redefining the U.S.-Japan relationship through development of stronger ties with other Asian nations. Indeed, wrapping U.S.-Japan relations into a regional and multilateral framework may truly revive the important but strained partnership between Washington and Tokyo. The two recently overcame an impasse in trade talks, but they have a long way to go before reaching actual market-opening agreements. Tokyo may cut real deals with a United States that is a bigger player in all of Asia.
No nation is more attuned to the changing dynamics in Asia than Japan. Tokyo has launched its most ambitious foreign aid and policy initiatives in the region while vastly increasing trade there. When Tokyo wanted to drum up support for its opposition to Clinton’s proposal for specific trade targets, it appealed to other Asian countries, playing on their fears that the United States would do the same with them. Despite this, America is more popular--and remains the preferred stabilizing agent in Asia, where residual mistrust of Japan from World War II persists.
Into this climate, while Tokyo is thoroughly preoccupied with domestic politics and fading fortunes of the Liberal Democratic Party, Christopher will meet with foreign ministers of the six ASEAN members--Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Brunei, Indonesia and the Philippines. Other countries will participate in the most broad-based regional discussions to date--perhaps leading to some new forum for security cooperation.
The ASEAN talks will not be all sweetness and light. Many of its members still worry that America may prove to be the 600-pound gorilla in their midst. Others even propose to leave Washington out of things. Malaysia Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed is leading an effort to create a restricted East Asian Economic Group trading bloc that would exclude the United States.
Paradoxically, that suggestion could help bring Washington and Tokyo closer together. Neither is keen about Malaysia’s move. The two nations share many of the same strategic interests in Asia-Pacific.
There are many reasons to prefer a multilateral format to cope with all these complex issues. It could free the U.S.-Japan relationship from the old rhetoric and seemingly endless impasse, and help these two economic superpowers realize that they have more to gain by working together than at cross purposes.
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