Garamendi’s Approach Still in Gridiron Form

SACRAMENTO —  Watch state Insurance Commissioner John Garamendi up close and you get the sense that he plays the game of politics as he did football at Cal nearly 30 years ago.

To put perspective on Garamendi’s distinctive approach to politics, it helps to know that when he played at Berkeley, the Golden Bears lost more games than they won, going 12-17-1. In fact, not once in those three years did Cal beat archrival Stanford in “The Big Game.” Yet--and this is the key point--the prospect of likely defeat on Saturday afternoon never dampened Garamendi’s spirit nor affected his play on the Cal line.

Indeed, Garamendi was such an enthusiastic workhorse that he “went both ways”--something virtually unheard of on football fields today--playing both offense (guard) and defense (tackle). Despite the mediocre team, he was twice selected all-conference, was Northern California lineman of the year as a senior and was an academic all-American. He also played in the East-West Shrine All-Star Game and was wooed by the Dallas Cowboys but decided to volunteer for the Peace Corps with his bride, Patti, instead of entering the NFL draft.

In those years, the Bears usually were just competitive enough to make the game interesting and keep Garamendi’s adrenaline pumping. This handsome, tenacious son of Basque-Italian ranchers always had what politicians call “fire in the belly.” And he still does.

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Now, Garamendi’s goal is the governor’s office and he seems determined to run for it next year, despite unofficial oddsmakers who have made state Treasurer Kathleen Brown the heavy favorite for the Democratic nomination.

“Is there any reason I would not run?” Garamendi says, responding to a question. “Not that I can think of. As I look at it today, no, there isn’t.”

Some political history is helpful here: In 1982, Garamendi--then the state Senate majority leader--ran for governor and was blown out in the Democratic primary by Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley. He tried for the Democratic controller nomination four years later and was beaten by Gray Davis. Undeterred, he ran for statewide office again in 1990 and won the new job of insurance commissioner.

Many party insiders privately wish that Garamendi merely would run for reelection and leave Brown with a clear field in the primary so she could concentrate on challenging Gov. Pete Wilson in the general election.

Brown’s political pluses are many: “Politics is my family business,” she quips, noting that her father and brother were governors. She is a charmer and an engaging speaker; one friend of Garamendi’s describes him as “a wooden Indian.” Brown’s job--unlike Garamendi’s--is a low-risk position unlikely to get her into trouble. She has more than $2 million already stashed for the race; Garamendi’s kitty is virtually empty. And--maybe most important--Brown is a woman in a party where an estimated 56% of the voters are women.

A Los Angeles Times poll found last month that although Garamendi had a slight edge among Democratic men, Brown enjoyed a 15-point advantage among women. Garamendi’s main support base seemed to be among Democratic conservatives--the former “Reagan Democrats” or “Archie Bunker” voters. Overall, among all Democrats, Brown was ahead. But Garamendi still was very much in the ballgame, trailing by just a touchdown and a conversion--seven points.

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Garamendi--a fourth-generation Californian, like Brown--talks a lot about restoring the state’s greatness. “We’ve seen the California dream turn into the California nightmare,” he told the Democratic state convention Sunday.

But Garamendi has little chance of beating Brown unless he can turn his office into a political plus. That means keeping the pressure on automobile insurance companies and getting more Proposition 103 rebates into the hands of motorists. So far, 2.5 million policyholders--only about 15% of the total--have received $535 million.

Garamendi also has been pushing a “pay-at-the-pump,” no-fault auto insurance system that he says would save motorists $4 billion a year and ensure that everybody is covered. But the proposal has little chance of passing the Legislature. “I may have to be governor to get it,” he says.

Beyond that, Garamendi--a strong, early campaign supporter of Bill Clinton--developed the model for the President’s probable health insurance reform and expects to benefit politically if it passes Congress.

So although the 1994 gubernatorial primary is another “big game” that oddsmakers pick him to lose, Garamendi’s attitude is that if he’s on the field, he just may be competitive enough to score an upset. “The odds are very good,” he characteristically insists.