ORANGE COUNTY VOICES STATE POLITICS : Seymour and Bergeson Split on One Hot Issue
John Seymour is “pro-choice.” Marian Bergeson is “pro-life.” It’s nice they’re both for something in this era of negative politics. They’re also both Republican candidates for lieutenant governor and they’re both state senators representing Orange County.
When Sen. Seymour (R-Anaheim) recently reversed his position against abortion, the race took on new meaning. Who owns the soul of California’s Republican Party?
The upset victory last Tuesday by Democratic, pro-choice candidate Lucy Killea in a solidly Republican San Diego state Senate district raises major questions about how Orange County Republicans--especially women--will deal with the abortion issue in 1990. And it means women voters may pay especially close attention to the Seymour-Bergeson race.
This campaign is not the first time Seymour’s and Bergeson’s fates have merged. In 1982, Anaheim Mayor John Seymour was Orange County’s choice to fill a vacant state Senate seat.
Smart, affable, affluent, articulate. Seymour easily drew the endorsement of Assemblywoman Marian Bergeson (R-Newport Beach). Bergeson, a nice woman, is no fool. She asked one thing of Seymour--his support in her own future race for a state Senate seat. Seymour kept his word and was one of Bergeson’s earliest supporters.
Within six months of his election, Seymour’s fund-raising skills and mainstream conservative politics resulted in his surprise elevation to GOP caucus chairman. This is the second most powerful role for a Republican senator--an unheard of promotion for a freshman legislator.
Within a week, a crisis developed. Seymour’s fellow senator and fellow realtor, Ollie Speraw (R-Long Beach), had been gerrymandered out of his own home district. A senator without a district of his own, Speraw declared as a candidate against Bergeson. And he expected Caucus Chairman Seymour to renounce Bergeson, shifting his clout to Speraw’s cause.
Speraw insisted. Seymour resisted, citing his honor-bound pledge to Bergeson. Conservative back room boss Sen. Bill Richardson (R-Arcadia) weighed in to bully Seymour, threatening to oust Seymour if he didn’t dump Bergeson.
Seymour immediately replied with a letter of resignation as caucus chairman. If abandoning honor was the price of success, Seymour wanted no part of it.
Their bluff called, Speraw, Richardson and their cohorts backed off. Seymour stayed chairman, Speraw dropped from the race and Bergeson coasted to an easy Senate victory in 1984.
Five years later, Bergeson and Seymour are preparing to face off for the right to be Pete Wilson’s running mate.
The similarities between Bergeson and Seymour are remarkable. Mainstream Republicans, they both gravitate toward moderate positions. Both are highly intelligent and articulate.
There’s a lot to attract women voters to each of them. Women are concerned about education, safety and quality-of-life issues. Both Seymour and Bergeson have strong track records to commend them. Both are vigorous supporters of public education. Working together in 1983, they helped hammer out a major overhaul of state school financing.
Seymour has authored tough new laws to crack down on illegal drug use and alcohol abuse. Bergeson has drafted laws to improve prenatal care and give more protection to rape victims.
How’s a woman--or any voter--to choose between them? Well, there is abortion--and little else--to tell them apart.
Bergeson’s view is clear. A Mormon, she believes abortion is murder. To condone or permit it is a sin. She believes this sincerely and quietly and she’s entitled to her own moral views.
For Seymour, born and raised Catholic, things don’t seem so simple. When the U.S. Supreme Court tossed the abortion issue back to the states to decide, Seymour took a long, hard look around and ahead. He found longtime supporters, like Carl’s Jr. founder Carl Karcher, dead opposed. He found President Bush--leader of his own party--opposed. In California primaries, conservatives dominate virtually every race. The most conservative position is the safe position, or so the Conventional Wisdom goes.
And he remembered that other Republicans had faced tough abortion choices. Ronald Reagan, then governor, signed California’s first law permitting abortion. As with his honor-bound pledge of support for Bergeson, Seymour once again took a stand. And so, John Seymour, father of six, chose to let other families make their own choices. He declared in support of a woman’s right to choose--and to live with the consequences of her choice.
Now, at every campaign stop, Seymour’s position on abortion is a nagging question. Like few races before, the age, sex and personal values of the few Republicans who trickle to the polls next June will determine who gets the GOP nod.
If nothing else comes of the race, California will learn that Orange County is home to two genuinely decent elected officials; people of honor, willing to serve for the good of the order. Two principled people who agree on much and who disagree on one very hot issue.
Now, for the expert political prediction on who wins the Seymour-Bergeson race: We all do.
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